Constituent assembly update
07.26.2006Technorati tags: Bolivia politics
It's gonna be harder for Evo's MAS to manage a supermajority in the constituent assembly. Concertación Nacional (the alliance of Christian Evangelical churches), Alianza Social (the organization built by Potosí prefect mayor, René Joaquino), and Movimiento Ayra (the leftist party founded by Che-inspired university students) just signed an agreement at the CSUTCB offices. They plan to form a "third bloc" to resist the polarization between MAS & Podemos. The alliance has 13 assembly delegates, but includes social movements that didn't win representation in the 15 July elections, including CSUTCB (the confederation of campesino syndicates), the Sud Yungas cocaleros, the breadmakers' confederation, the confederation of indigenous people (CONNIOB), the self-employed workers' confederation, and the Bartolina Sisa women's federation. Currently, MAS controls 140 votes and needs 170 for a supermajority.
Interestingly, Movimiento Ayra also signed a separate agreement w/ MAS, though it will remain in the new third bloc.
Meanwhile, there are divisions in the MAS ranks over nominating the constituent assembly president. So far there are five candidates: Román Loayza, Margarita Terán, Roberto Aguilar, Carlos Romero, and Igancio Méndez.
Loayza, a former CSUTCB dirigente, apparently is Evo's preferred candidate; Evo has suggested the assembly president should be indigenous. Recently, Evo suggested the president should be an indigenous woman, and Terán (elected from Cochabamba by MBL) became a candidate. Romero became a contender because he was elected from Santa Cruz, and from a district that has not previously backed MAS. The paceño Aguilar is backed by the party's intellectual sector. Finally, Méndez was named by the Chuquisaca MAS delegation. A decision is expected in the upcoming MAS congress.
Meanwhile, controversy surrounds the call by Evo for the constituent assembly to have "unlimited" powers. This led to controversy, as some call for closing the national parliament and replacing it with the new assembly, while others (e.g. Podemos, Unidad Nacional) arguing the move is undemocratic.
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CORRECTION: For some reason I got it into my head that René Joaquino was the prefect of Potosí; he is actually the mayor of the city of Potosí. He did not run for prefect in 2005, but his name was floated around as a potential Podemos vice presidential candidate.
Posted by Miguel at 10:42 AM
Comments
Interesting information. MAS has 137 seats in the assembly, the other three seats are MOP? What about MSCFA and MBL?
Might UN join the third block?
Has the centre-right block (PODEMOS, MNR and allies, APB, MIR and AAI) made any cooperation agreements yet? They should have 84 seats.
Posted by: Fredrik Lindqvist at July 27, 2006 05:26 AM
The article I cited said that MAS had "amost 140 seats", which I now think meant only their actual 137 seats. I've not yet seen anything spelling out an agreement between MAS & other parties (though I have been busy lately, and some days didn't get to read all my Bolivian sources).
I also don't think the center-right parties have made any formal agreements, but I also don't think they have to (if they're all going to be in the opposition). It seems that since no one will dominate, most are waiting to use their ability to maneuver (hence, the leftist "third bloc") in the assembly itself. I don't think UN will join that third bloc, since it has more in common w/ Podemos & the others.
Posted by: mcentellas at July 27, 2006 11:33 AM
I dont know Miguel but i seems that when the subject "Frente de Unidad Nacional or just UN" and its leader Samuel Doria Medina you seem to be somewhat insecure. I mean you do not know what the party really stands for. Am I right? :-)
Posted by: Fredrik Lindqvist at July 27, 2006 04:06 PM
Fredrik:
Yes, it's unclear what Unidad Nacional stands for. Basically, I'd classify it as a neopopulist party. It has rhetoric that aims to appeal to poor voters, but seems to fall in line w/ neoliberal policies.
Samuel Doria Medina is the country's wealthiest man. He owns, among other assets, Bolivia's largest cement company (SOBOCE) & the national Burger King franchise. He served as a viceminister & economic advisor during the ADN-MIR government (1989-1993) & was, until recently, one of the top five powerful figures in MIR (some would say he was Paz Zamora's right-hand man). He's well acquainted w/ Tuto Quiroga (both served in the same ministry 1989-1993, and he was part of the megacoalition government's economic planning team (1997-2002). Bottom line: he's an establishment politician w/ clear ties to MIR & ADN.
Despite founding his own party on vague, unclear rhetoric about "national unity" and "social justice" and such niceties, it seems his party is just a personal vehicle, much like UCS & NFR. Both are also neopopulist parties w/ populist leaders & neoliberal economic policies.
Not to mention that Bolivian politics is full of bizzare alliance of convenience. Such as the ADN-MIR alliance of the 1990s that brought together Banzer (a former dictator) and Paz Zamora (who survived assassination attempts during the Banzer dictatorship).
So, yeah, one never knows what Unidad Nacional or Doria Medina could do.
Posted by: mcentellas at July 27, 2006 07:23 PM
Why is Concertación Nacional (the alliance of Christian Evangelical churches)in the "leftist" third block? Evangelical parties and groups in the US and Europe har among the moste right-wing.
Posted by: Fredrik Lindqvist at July 28, 2006 02:11 AM
Actually, I think it's a bit too simplistic to put Evangelical Christians always on the political right, even in the United States. After all, 25% of Evangelicals voted for John Kerry in 2004, which is about the same number of gays/lesbians who voted for Bush in 2004. Groups of people are very complex.
In Latin America (generally), much of the Protestant movement has made its greatest gains in poor areas. For example, there's a strong Evangelical movement in the Altiplano, the El Alto slums, and other poor urban/rural areas. It's only natural that many of these people would still have interests in issues related to their social & economic situation. Many Aymara Evangelicals previously supported the populist party CONDEPA.
Evangelical Christians also care about many of these issues for religious reasons. After all, Christ's mission on earth was aimed primarily at the poor & downtroden; Christians are supposed to care for the earth which was entrusted to us; and they're supposed to help bring social justice to the world. Etc. Where Evangelicals tend to be "conservative" is on individual social issues (abortion, gay marriage, drinking, etc). But on economic & other issues, they are often very much on the left.
In Latin America, of course, you often see Evangelicals on the side of a secular state, because of the preferential treatment given by most governments to the Catholic Church. So that's another issue where the Evangelicals can side w/ the left.
I know that CN isn't exactly aligned with it, but here's a very good entry in Wikipedia about Christian Democracy and Christian democratic movements:
Posted by: mcentellas at July 28, 2006 12:18 PM
I don't know. The so called "third block" doesn't mean too much to me. Two of the three groups in the block, mainly Ayra and AS, are still supporting MAS in many issues. I think it'll depend on the issue. Most likely they'll vote against Podemos, almost always and will negotiate with MAS. Ayra has already an agreement with MAS.
Posted by: miguel (mabb) at July 28, 2006 05:47 PM
MABB:
I totally agree w/ you that AS & Ayra are likely to support MAS on a variety of issues. Though AS is led by René Joaquino, who flirted w/ a Podemos alliance in 2005.
The bottom line is just that MAS -- which is also dealing w/ internal divisions -- isn't going to run the constituent assembly like a rubber stamp. So the body will probably be legitimately democratic & representative, not like the Fujimori/Chavez rubber stamps in Peru/Venezuela.
Posted by: mcentellas at July 28, 2006 06:23 PM
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